Thomas Love Peacock on Harriet Shelley
Thomas Love Peacock (1785-1866).
Memoirs of Percy Bysshe Shelley
1858-60-62.
From the Halliford edition of the works of Thomas Love Peacock edited by H.F.B. Brett-Smith & C.E. Jones.
London and New York 1934.
Following are excerpts from Peacock's Memoirs, which pertain to Shelley's wife, Harriet:
To the circumstances of Shelley's first marriage I
find no evidence but in my own recollection of what he told me
respecting it. He often spoke to me of it; and with all allowance for
the degree in which his imagination coloured events, I see no
improbability in the narration.
Harriet Westbrook, he said, was a schoolfellow of
one of his sisters; and when, after his expulsion from Oxford, he was
in London, without money, his father having refused him all assistance,
this sister had requested her fair schoolfellow to be the medium of
conveying to him such small sums as she and her sisters could afford to
send, and other little presents which they thought would be acceptable.
Under these circumstances the ministry of the young and beautiful girl
presented itself like that of a guardian angel, and there was a charm
about their intercourse which he readily persuaded himself could not be
exhausted in the duration of life. The result was that in August, 1811,
they eloped to Scotland, and were married in Edinburgh. [Peacock's
note: Not at Gretna Green, as stated by Captain Medwin.] Their journey
had absorbed their stock of money. They took a lodging, and Shelley
immediately told the landlord who they were, what they had come for,
and the exhaustion of their resources, and asked him if he would take
them in, and advance them money to get married and to carry them on
till they could get a remittance. This the man agreed to do, on
condition that Shelley would treat him and his friends to a supper in
honour of the occasion. It was arranged accordingly; but the man was
more obtrusive and officious than Shelley was disposed to tolerate. The
marriage was concluded, and in the evening Shelley and his bride were
alone together, when the man tapped at their door. Shelley opened it,
and the landlord said to him — “It is customary here
at weddings for the guests to come in, in the middle of the night, and
wash the bride with whisky.” “I immediately,” said
Shelley, “caught up my brace of pistols, and pointing them both
at him, said to him, — ‘I have had enough of your
impertinence; if you give me any more of it I will blow your brains
out;’ on which he ran or rather tumbled down stairs, and I bolted
the doors.”
The custom of washing the bride with whisky is more
likely to have been so made known to him than to have been imagined by
him.
Leaving Edinburgh, the young couple led for some
time a wandering life. At the lakes they were kindly received by the
Duke of Norfolk, and by others through his influence. They then went to
Ireland, landed at Cork, visited the lakes of Killarney, and stayed
some time in Dublin, where Shelley became a warm repealer and
emancipator. They then went to the Isle of Man, then to Nant Gwillt
[Peacock's notes here are irrelevant and omitted] in Radnorshire, then
to Lynmouth near Barnstaple, [note omitted] then came for a short time
to London; then went to reside in a furnished house belonging to Mr.
Madocks at Tanyrallt, [Peacock's note: Tan-yr-allt — Under the
precipice] near Tremadoc, in Caernarvonshire. Their residence at this
place was made chiefly remarkable by an imaginary attack on his life,
which was followed by their immediately leaving Wales.
Mr. Hogg inserts several letters relative to this
romance of a night: the following extract from one of Harriet
Shelley's, dated from Dublin, March 12th, 1813, will give a sufficient
idea of it:
Mr. Shelley promised you a
recital of the horrible events that caused us to leave Wales. I have
undertaken the task, as I wish to spare him, in the present nervous
state of his health, everything that can recall to his mind the horrors
of that night, which I will relate.
On the night of the 26th February
we retired to bed between ten and eleven o'clock. We had been in bed
about half an hour, when Mr. S—— heard a noise
proceeding from one of the parlours. He immediately went down stairs
with two pistols which he had loaded that night, expecting to have
occasion for them. He went into the billiard-room, when he heard
footsteps retreating; he followed into another little room, which was
called an office. He there saw a man in the act of quitting the room
through a glass window which opened into the shrubbery; the man fired
at Mr. S——, which he avoided. Bysshe then fired, but
it flashed in the pan. The man then knocked Bysshe down, and they
struggled on the ground. Bysshe then fired his second pistol, which he
thought wounded him in the shoulder, as he uttered a shriek and got up,
when he said these words— “By God, I will be
revenged. I will murder your wife, and will ravish your sister! By God,
I will be revenged!” He then fled, as we hoped for the night. Our
servants were not gone to bed, but were just going when this horrible
affair happened. This was about eleven o'clock. We all assembled in the
parlour, where we remained for two hours. Mr. S——
then advised us to retire, thinking it was impossible he would make a
second attack. We left Bysshe and our manservant — who had only
arrived that day, and who knew nothing of the house — to sit up.
I had been in bed three hours when I heard a pistol go off. I
immediately ran down stairs, when I perceived that Bysshe's flannel
gown had been shot through, and the window-curtain. Bysshe had sent
Daniel to see what hour it was, when he heard a noise at the window; he
went there, and a man thrust his arm through the glass and fired at
him. Thank heaven! the ball went through his gown and he remained
unhurt. Mr. S—— happened to stand sideways; had he
stood fronting, the ball must have killed him. Bysshe
fired his pistol, but it would not go off; he then aimed a blow at him
with an old sword which we found in the house. The assassin attempted
to get the sword from him, and just as he was pulling it away Dan
rushed into the room, when he made his escape. This was at four in the
morning. It had been a most dreadful night; the wind was as loud as
thunder, and the rain descended in torrents. Nothing has been heard of
him, and we have every reason to believe it was no stranger, as there
is a man ... who, the next morning, went and told the shopkeepers that
it was a tale of Mr. Shelley's to impose upon them, that he might leave
the country without paying his bills. This they believed, and none of
them attempted to do anything towards his discovery. We left Tanyrallt
on Sunday.
Mr. Hogg subjoins:—
Persons acquainted with the
localities and with the circumstances, and who had carefully
investigated the matter, were unanimous in the opinion that no such
attack was ever made.
[...]
I saw Shelley for the first time in 1812, just
before he went to Tanyrallt. I saw him again once or twice before I
went to North Wales in 1813. On my return he was residing at Bracknell,
and invited me to visit him there. This I did, and found him with his
wife Harriet, her sister Eliza, and his newly-born daughter Ianthe.
Mr. Hogg says:
This accession to his family did
not appear to afford him any gratification, or to create an interest.
He never spoke of this child to me, and to this hour I never set eyes
on her.
Mr. Hogg is mistaken about Shelley's feelings as to
his first child. He was extremely fond of it, and would walk up and
down a room with it in his arms for a long time together, singing to it
a monotonous melody of his own making, which ran on the repetition of a
word of his own making. His song was “Yáhmani,
Yáhmani, Yáhmani, Yáhmani.” It did not
please me, but, what was more important, it pleased the child, and
lulled it when it was fretful. Shelley was extremely fond of his
children. He was pre-eminently an affectionate father. But to this
first-born there were accompaniments which did not please him. the
child had a wet-nurse whom he did not like, and was much looked after
by his wife's sister, whom he intensely disliked. I have often thought
that if Harriet had nursed her own child, and if this sister had not
lived with them, the link of their married love would not have been so
readily broken. But of this hereafter, when we come to speak of the
separation.
At Bracknell, Shelley was surrounded by a numerous
society, all in a great measure of his own opinions in relation to
religion and politics, and the larger portion of them in relation to
vegetable diet. But they wore their rue with a difference. Every one of
them adopting some of the articles of the faith of their general
church, had each nevertheless some predominant crotchet of his or her
own, which left a number of open questions for earnest and not always
temperate discussion. I was sometimes irreverent enough to laugh at the
fervour with which opinions utterly unconducive to any practical result
were battled for as matters of the highest importance to the well-being
of mankind; Harriet Shelley was always ready to laugh with me, and we
thereby both lost caste with some of the more hotheaded of the party.
[...]
PART II
Y Gwir yn erbyn y Byd
The Truth against the World
Mr. Hogg's third and fourth volumes not having appeared, and the
materials with which Sir Percy and Lady Shelley had supplied him having
been resumed by them, and so much of them as it was thought desirable
to publish having been edited by Lady Shelley,* with a connecting
thread of narrative, I shall assume that I am now in possession of all
the external information likely to be available towards the completion
of my memoir; and I shall proceed to complete it accordingly, subject
to the contingent addition of a postscript, if any subsequent
publication should render it necessary.
*[Peacock's note: Shelley Memorials. From Authentic
Sources. Edited by Lady Shelley. London: smith and Elder. 1859.]
Lady Shelley says in her preface:
We saw the book (Mr. Hogg's) for
the first time when it was given to the world. It was impossible to
imagine beforehand that from such materials a book could have been
produced which has astonished and shocked those who have the greatest
right to form an opinion on the character of Shelley; and it was with
the most painful feelings of dismay that we perused what we could only
look upon as a fantastic caricature, going forth to the public with my
apparent sanction, — for it was dedicated to myself.
Our feelings of duty to the
memory of Shelley left us no other alternative than to withdraw the
materials which we had originally entrusted to his early friend, and
which we could not but consider had been strangely misused; and to take
upon ourselves the task of laying them before the public, connected
only by as slight a thread of narrative as would suffice to make them
intelligible to the reader.
I am very sorry, in the outset of this notice, to be
under the necessity of dissenting from Lady Shelley respecting the
facts of the separation of Shelley and Harriet.
Captain Medwin represented this separation to have
taken place by mutual consent. Mr. Leigh Hunt and Mr. Middleton adopted
this statement; and in every notice I have seen of it in print it has
been received as an established truth.
Lady Shelley says—
Towards the close of 1813
estrangements, which for some time had been slowly growing between Mr.
and Mrs. Shelley, came to a crisis. Separation ensued, and Mrs. Shelley
returned to her father's house. Here she gave birth to her second child
— a son, who died in 1826.
The occurrences of this painful
epoch in Shelley's life, and of the causes which led to them, I am
spared from relating. In Mary Shelley's own words
— “This is not the time to relate the truth; and I should
reject any colouring of the truth. No account of these events has ever
been given at all approaching reality in their details, either as
regards himself or others; nor shall I further allude to them than to
remark that the errors of action committed by a man as noble and
generous as Shelley, may, as far as he only is concerned, be fearlessly
avowed by those who loved him, in the firm conviction that, were they
judged impartially, his character would stand in fairer and brighter
light than that of any contemporary.”
Of those remaining who were
intimate with Shelley at this time, each has given us a different
version of this sad event, coloured by his own views or personal
feelings. Evidently Shelley confided to none of these friends. We, who
bear his name, and are of his family, have in our possession papers
written by his own hand, which in after years may make the story of his
life complete; and which few now living, except Shelley's own children,
have ever perused.
One mistake, which has gone forth
to the world, we feel ourselves called upon positively to contradict.
Harriet's death has sometimes
been ascribed to Shelley. This is entirely false. There was no
immediate connexion whatever between her tragic end and any conduct on
the part of her husband. It is true, however, that it was a permanent
source of the deepest sorrow to him; for never during all his
after-life did the dark shade depart which had fallen on his gentle and
sensitive nature from the self-sought grave of the companion of his
early youth.
This passage ends the sixth chapter. The seventh begins thus—
To the family of Godwin, Shelley
had, from the period of his self-introduction at Keswick, been an
object of interest; and the acquaintanceship which had sprung up
between them during the poet's occasional visits to London had grown
into a cordial friendship. It was in the society and sympathy of the
Godwins that Shelley sought and found some relief in his present
sorrow. He was still extremely young. His anguish, his isolation, his
difference from other men, his gifts of genius and eloquent enthusiasm,
made a deep impression on Godwin's daughter Mary, now a girl of
sixteen, who had been accustomed to hear Shelley spoken of as something
rare and strange. To her, as they met one eventful day in St. Pancras'
churchyard, by her mother's grave, Bysshe, in burning words, poured
forth the tale of his wild past — how he had suffered, how he had
been misled; and how, if supported by her love, he hoped in future
years to enrol his name with the wise and good who had done battle for
their fellow-men, and been true through all adverse storms to the cause
of humanity.
Unhesitatingly she placed her
hand in his, and linked her fortune with his own; and most truthfully,
as the remaining portion of these Memorials will prove, was the pledge
of both redeemed.
I ascribe it to inexperience of authorship, that the
sequence of words does not, in these passages, coincide with the
sequence of facts: for in the order of words, the present sorrow would
appear to be the death of Harriet. This however occurred two years and
a half after the separation, and the union of his fate with Mary Godwin
was simultaneous with it. Respecting this separation, whatever degree
of confidence Shelley may have placed in his several friends, there are
some facts which speak for themselves and admit of no misunderstanding.
The Scotch marriage had taken place in August, 1811.
In a letter which he wrote to a female friend sixteen months later
(Dec. 10, 1812), he had said—
How is Harriet a fine lady? You
indirectly accuse her in your letter of this offence — to me the
most unpardonable of all. The ease and simplicity of her habits, the
unassuming plainness of her address, the uncalculated connexion of her
thought and speech, have ever formed in my eyes her greatest charms:
and none of these are compatible with fashionable life, or the
attempted assumption of its vulgar and noisy éclat. You have a
prejudice to contend with in making me a convert to this last opinion
of yours, which, so long as I have a living and daily witness to its
futility before me, I fear will be insurmountable. — Memorials,
p. 44.
Thus there had been no estrangement to the end of
1812. My own memory sufficiently attests that there was none in 1813.
[...]
Shelley returned to London shortly before Christmas,
then took a furnished house for two or three months at Windsor,
visiting London occasionally. In March, 1814, he married Harriet a
second time, according to the following certificate :
MARRIAGES IN MARCH, 1814.
164. Percy Bysshe Shelley and Harriet Shelley
(formerly Harriet Westbrook, Spinster, a Minor), both of this Parish,
were remarried in this Church by Licence (the parties having been
already married to each other according to the Rites and Ceremonies of
the Church of Scotland), in order to obviate all doubts that have
arisen, or shall or may arise, touching or concerning the validity of
the aforesaid Marriage (by and with the consent of John Westbrook, the
natural and lawful father of the said Minor), this Twenty-fourth day of
March, in the Year 1814.
By me,
EDWARD WILLIAMS, Curate.
This Marriage was solemnized
between us [PERCY BYSSHE SHELLEY, HARRIET SHELLEY, formerly Harriet
Westbrook.] In the presence of [JOHN WESTBROOK, JOHN STANLEY.]
The above is a true extract from
the Register Book of Marriages belonging to the Parish of Saint George,
Hanover-square; extracted thence this eleventh day of April, 1859.
— By me,
H. WEIGHTMAN, Curate.
It is, therefore, not correct to say that
“estrangements which had been slowly growing came to a crisis
towards the close of 1813.” The date of the above certificate is
conclusive on the point. The second marriage could not have taken place
under such circumstances. Divorce would have been better for both
parties, and the dissolution of the first marriage could have been
easily obtained in Scotland.
There was no estrangement, no shadow of a thought of
separation, till Shelley became acquainted, not long after the second
marriage, with the lady who was subsequently his second wife.
The separation did not take place by mutual consent.
I cannot think that Shelley ever so represented it. He never did so to
me: and the account which Harriet herself gave me of the entire
proceeding was decidedly contradictory of any such supposition.
He might well have said, after first seeing Mary
Wollstonecraft Godwin, “Ut vidi! ut perii!” Nothing that I
ever read in tale or history could present a more striking image of a
sudden, violent, irresistible, uncontrollable passion, than that under
which I found him labouring when, at his request, I went up from the
country to call on him in London. Between his old feelings towards
Harriet, from whom he was not then separated, and his new passion for
Mary, he showed in his looks, in his gestures, in his speech, the state
of a mind “suffering, like a little kingdom, the nature of an
insurrection.” His eyes were bloodshot, his
hair and dress disordered. He caught up a bottle of laudanum, and said:
“I never part from this.” [A Peacock note here
omitted.] He added: “I am always repeating to
myself your lines from Sophocles:
Man's happiest lot is not to be:
And when we tread life's thorny steep,
Most blest are they, who earliest free
Descend to death's eternal sleep.”
Again, he said more calmly: “Every one who knows me must know
that the partner of my life should be one who can feel poetry and
understand philosophy. Harriet is a noble animal, but
she can do neither.” I said, “It always appeared to me that
you were very fond of Harriet.” Without affirming or denying
this, he answered: “But you did not know how I hated her
sister.”
The term “noble animal” he applied to
his wife, in conversation with another friend now living, intimating
that the nobleness which he thus ascribed to her would induce her to
acquiesce in the inevitable transfer of his affections to their new
shrine. She did not so acquiesce, and he cut the Gordian knot of the
difficulty by leaving England with Miss Godwin on the 28th of July,
1814.
Shortly after this I received a letter from Harriet,
wishing to see me. I called on her at her father's house in
Chapel-street, Grosvenor-square. She then gave me her own account of
the transaction, which, as I have said, decidedly contradicted the
supposition of anything like separation by mutual consent.
She at the same time gave me a description, by no
means flattering, of Shelley's new love, whom I had not then seen. I
said, “If you have described her correctly, what could he see in
her?” “Nothing,” she said,
“but that her name was Mary, and not only Mary, but Mary
Wollstonecraft.”
The lady had nevertheless great personal and
intellectual attractions, though it is not to be wondered at that
Harriet could not see them.
I feel it due to the memory of Harriet to state my
most decided conviction that her conduct as a wife was as pure, as
true, as absolutely faultless, as that of any who for such conduct are
held most in honour.
Mr. Hogg says: “Shelley told me his friend
Robert Southey once said to him, ‘A man ought to be able to live
with any woman. You see that I can, and so ought you. It comes to
pretty much the same thing, I apprehend. There is no great choice or
difference.’” (Hogg: vol. i, p. 423). Any
woman, I suspect, must have been said with some qualification. But such
an one as either of them had first chosen, Southey saw no reason to
change.
Shelley gave me some account of an interview he had
had with Southey. It was after his return from his first visit to
Switzerland, in the autumn of 1814. I forget whether it was in town or
country; but it was in Southey's study, in which was suspended a
portrait of Mary Wollstonecraft. Whether Southey had been in love with
this lady, is more than I know. That he had devotedly admired her is
clear from his Epistle to Amos Cottle, prefixed to the latter's
Icelandic Poetry (1797) ; in which, after describing the scenery of
Norway, he says :
Scenes like
these
Have almost lived before me, when I gazed
Upon their fair resemblance traced by him,
Who sung the banished man of Ardebeil;
Or to the eye of Fancy held by her,
Who among women left no equal mind
When from this world she passed; and I could weep
To think that she is to the grave gone down!
where a note names Mary Wollstonecraft, the allusion being to her Letters from Norway.
Shelley had previously known Southey, and wished to
renew or continue friendly relations; but Southey was repulsive. He
pointed to the picture, and expressed his bitter regret that the
daughter of that angelic woman should have been so misled. It was most
probably on this occasion that he made the remark cited by Mr. Hogg:
his admiration of Mary Wollstonecraft may have given force to the
observation: and as he had known Harriet, he might have thought that,
in his view of the matter, she was all that a husband could wish for.
Few are now living who remember Harriet Shelley. [1]
I remember her well, and will describe her to the best of my
recollection. She had a good figure, light, active, and graceful. Her
features were regular and well proportioned. Her hair was light brown,
and dressed with taste and simplicity. In her dress she was truly
simplex munditiis [elegant simplicity]. Her
complexion was beautifully transparent; the tint of the blush rose
shining through the lily. The tone of her voice was pleasant; her
speech the essence of frankness and cordiality; her spirits always
cheerful; her laugh spontaneous, hearty, and joyous. She was well
educated. She read agreeably and intelligently. She wrote only letters,
but she wrote them well. [2] Her manners were
good; and her whole aspect and demeanour such manifest emanations of
pure and truthful nature, that to be once in her company was to know
her thoroughly. She was fond of her husband, and accommodated herself
in every way to his tastes. If they mixed in society, she adorned it;
if they lived in retirement, she was satisfied; if they travelled, she
enjoyed the change of scene.
That Shelley's second wife was intellectually better
suited to him than his first, no one who knew them both will deny; and
that a man, who lived so totally out of the ordinary world and in a
world of ideas, needed such an ever-present sympathy more than the
general run of men, must also be admitted; but Southey, who did not
want an intellectual wife, and was contented with his own, may well
have thought that Shelley had equal reason to seek no change. [3]
[...]
In December, 1816, Harriet drowned herself in the
Serpentine river, not, as Captain Medwin says, in a pond at the bottom
of her father's garden at Bath. Her father had not then left his house
in Chapel-street, and to that house his daughter's body was carried.
[...]
Some of Shelley's friends have spoken and written of
Harriet as if to vindicate him it were necessary to disparage her. They
might, I think, be content to rest the explanation of his conduct on
the ground on which he rested it himself — that he had found in
another the intellectual qualities which constituted his ideality of
the partner of his life. But Harriet's untimely fate occasioned him
deep agony of mind, which he felt the more because for a long time he
kept the feeling to himself. I became acquainted with it in a somewhat
singular manner.
I was walking with him one evening in Bisham Wood,
and we had been talking, in the usual way, of our ordinary subjects,
when he suddenly fell into a gloomy reverie. I tried to rouse him out
of it, and made some remarks which I thought might make him laugh at
his own abstraction. Suddenly he said to me, still with the same gloomy
expression: “There is one thing to which I have decidedly made up
my mind. I will take a great glass of ale every night.” I said,
laughingly, “A very good resolution, as the result of a
melancholy musing.” “Yes,” he said; “but you do
not know why I take it. I shall do it to deaden my feelings: for I see
that those who drink ale have none.” The next day he said to me:
“You must have thought me very unreasonable yesterday
evening?” I said, “I did, certainly.”
“Then,” he said, “I will tell you what I would not
tell any one else. I was thinking of Harriet.” I told him,
“I had no idea of such a thing: it was so long since he had named
her. I had thought he was under the influence of some baseless morbid
feeling; but if ever I should see him again in such a state of mind, I
would not attempt to disturb it.”
[...]
[Peacock's SUPPLEMENTARY NOTICE to the Memoirs]
Harriet suffered enough in her life to deserve that
her memory should be respected. I have always said to all whom it might
concern, that I would defend her, to the best of my ability, against
all misrepresentations. Such are not necessary to Shelley's
vindication. That is best permitted to rest, as I have already
observed, on the grounds on which it was placed by himself.
# # #
NOTES by John Lauritsen
1. When Peacock wrote this he was about 77 years of age; Harriet Shelley had died about 46 years earlier.
2. In every way Harriet Shelley's
few surviving letters, written when she was still quite young, are
superior to any letters written by Mary Godwin/Shelley in her entire
lifetime. Harriet's letters display a greater command of English prose,
a greater empathy with her correspondents, a livelier imagination, a
better sense of rhythm, and keener insights. On the basis of this
comparison, we should conclude that Harriet was not only the better
educated woman, which indeed she was, but also the more intelligent. To
read her letters click here.
3. Peacock's assertion, “Shelley's second wife was intellectually better
suited to him than his first”,
is open to question. Mary's alleged intellectual superiority is almost
entirely based on the false attribution to her of the authorship of Frankenstein, a masterpiece of English literature and the most famous work of English Romanticism. In my book, The Man Who Wrote Frankenstein (2007) I show that the prose Mary wrote entirely on her own — without help from husband, father, or anyone else —
is flaccid, sentimental, verbose, affected, awkward, and sometimes
ungrammatical. She was utterly incapable of writing Frankenstein, which on every page bears the signature of Shelley: his ideas, his passion, his mastery of English prose. To visit my Frankenstein pages click here.
In my essay, “Harriet Shelley: Wife of the Poet”,
I discuss various theories as to why Shelley deserted Harriet,
including the belief that Mary was better suited to him intellectually.
To read it click here.