The Gay Brain
[Note: links to the important articles by Alfred Kinsey and C.V. Tripp are at the bottom of this page.]
The Gay Brain and other such nonsense
by John Lauritsen
Attempts have
been made, at least since the beginnings of “sexology” in
the 19th century, to explain “homosexuality” (the
presumably abnormal sexual attraction to members of one's own sex). (In
the interests of concision and clarity, this essay will confine itself
to male homosexuality: sex and love between males.) Almost as soon as
“homosexuality” was coined in 1869, the term acquired a
clinical character based on the false assumption that only a tiny
minority of human males are erotically attracted to each other.
Sometimes homosexuality was defined negatively — that is to say,
a homosexual man was defined as incapable of desiring or having sex
with females — a notion refuted by the Kinsey studies, which
showed that almost all “homosexual” men can and do have sex
with females. [Note 1]
In light of
abundant anthropological and historical evidence, theories on the
causes of “homosexuality” — including hormonal
imbalance, brain abnormalities, “decadence”,
“sickness”, and genetic aberration — fall apart.
Those who expound these theories are anti-scientific — and
perhaps wilfully so, as they intransigently refuse to acknowledge the
relevant evidence. [Note 2]
Male love
(comprising sex, love and friendship) does not need to be explained.
When males have sex with each other, they are expressing an ordinary,
healthy component of male sexuality — something phylogenetically
inherent in the sexual repertoire of the human male, and thus a product
of evolution. If a man has any libido at all, it has a homoerotic
component, whether or not he accepts it or is even aware of it.
From here on
I'll try to avoid using “homosexual” or
“homosexuality” — which are unacceptable on
etymological as well as theoretical grounds — instead favoring
such terms as “gay”, “male love”, “sex
between males”, “homoerotic”, etc. I define a gay man
as one who is erotically responsive to other males, whereas a straight
man, for whatever reasons, is not. “Straight” is an
entirely negative term, meaning “not gay”; it is not a
synonym for “heterosexual”.
Such spokesmen
for the emancipation of male love as John Addington Symonds were quick
to debunk the anti-gay sexologists. In demolishing the ideas of Paul
Moreau (Author of Des Aberrations du Sens Génétique,
1887) — who believed that sexual inversion was a disease of the
sexual sense, the product of a hereditary taint — Symonds
demonstrates the power of historical argumentation when wielded against
pseudo-scientific bigotry:
“Moreau
regards sexual inversion in modern Christian Europe as a form of
hereditary neuropathy, a link between reason and madness; but in
ancient Greece, in modern Persia and Turkey, he regards the same
psychological anomaly from the point of view, not of disease, but of
custom. In other words, an Englishman or a Frenchman who loves the male
sex must be diagnosed as tainted with disease; while Sophocles, Pindar,
Pheidias, Epaminondas, Plato, are credited with yielding to an instinct
which was healthy in their times because society accepted it. the
inefficiency of this distinction in a treatise of analytical science
ought to be indicated. The bare fact that ancient Greece tolerated, and
that Modern Europe refuses to tolerate sexual inversion, can have
nothing to do with the etiology, the pathology, the psychological
definition of the phenomenon in its essence. What has to be faced is
that a certain type of passion flourished under the light of day and
bore good fruits for society in Hellas; that the same type of passion
flourishes in the shade and is the source of misery and shame in
Europe. The passion has not altered but the way of regarding it morally
and legally is changed. A scientific investigator ought not to take
changes of public opinion into account when he is analysing a
psychological peculiarity.” (John Addington Symonds, A Problem in Modern Ethics, privately published, 1891)
Symonds deals sharply with Richard von Krafft-Ebing, author of the sexological best seller, Psychopathia Sexualis.
After summarizing his convoluted theories, Symonds rebuts them in one
splendid sentence: “It would be absurd to maintain that all the
boy-lovers of ancient Greece owed their instincts to hereditary
neuropathy, complicated with onanism”. Krafft-Ebing, by the way,
considered himself, and was considered to be, a friend of the
homosexual rights movement. He believed that sexual inverts did not
belong in prison, but under the care of a physician — like
himself.
The more things change, the more they stay the same. The latest writer to offer invidious explanations for “homosexuality” is Simon LeVay, author of the recent Gay, Straight, and the Reason Why (Oxford 2010).
Simon LeVay, who
is openly gay himself, is obsessed with his own faulty hypothesis: that
“sexual orientation” is based on inherited physical traits.
He believes that gay men and lesbians are physically closer to their
opposite sexes than are straight people — in other words, they
fit the stereotype: gay men are more feminine than straight men, and
lesbians are more masculine than straight women. In LeVay's words:
“Homosexuality is part of a package of gender-atypical
traits.”
LeVay is
entitled to his hypothesis, but fails miserably to verify it. Time and
again he demonstrates ignorance of relevant historical and
anthropological information, as well as elementary statistics.
LeVay mentions
the Kinsey studies briefly, but clearly has not read and understood
them. Rejecting, for no apparent reason, Kinsey's emphasis on behavior,
LeVay opts for surveys which typically just ask respondents whether
they are attracted to males, females, or both. This won't do. Kinsey's
thorough descriptions of methodology, in both his Male and his Female
studies, should be required reading. Getting truthful answers from
respondents, and obtaining representative samples, is far more
difficult than just asking people what sex they're attracted to, or
just accepting those respondents who volunteer themselves. Basically,
Kinsey found that the sexual behavior and desires of American males run
on a continuum from exclusively heterosexual during a lifetime
(category zero) to exclusively homosexual (category six). In-between
(categories one through five) are men whose sexual desires and behavior
include both females and males. Kinsey makes a strong case against
labelling individuals, as opposed to labelling behavior. However, using
the Kinsey categories, one might say that at least 50% of American
males qualify as “gay”, on the basis of their sexual
desires and/or behavior. Or, one might consider as “gay”
the 25% of American males who, for at least a three-year period in
their lives, experienced sex more often with males than with females.
LeVay, however, goes along with more recent and inferior studies, which
found far lower incidences of homosexual identification
— less than 3%. Obviously this huge disparity (<3% versus 25%
or even 50%) needs to be explained, but LeVay doesn't attempt to do so.
LeVay's initial
foray into sexology was a 1991 paper, where he claimed that
hypothalamus glands in women and in gay men were much smaller than
those in straight men. There were two fatal flaws in this study: 1) the
sample size of the gay men's brains was ridiculously low (only 13), and
2) all of the gay male brains were taken from those who had died of
“AIDS”. Obviously, to anyone with a grasp of elementary
statistics, an absurdly non-representative sample of 13 cannot yield
stable data. Those who died from “AIDS” were hardly typical
of all gay men, and they were undoubtedly treated with toxic drugs such
as Bactrim, Septra, AZT or ddI, which might have caused part of the
brain to atrophy. Significantly, Levay's graph of this on page 196
neglects to give sample sizes, an inexcusable omission.
A 1941 paper by Alfred Kinsey, “Criteria for a Hormonal Explanation of the Homosexual” (Journal of Clinical Endocrinology,
May 1941), critiques a study which was similar to LeVay's, and almost
as bad. After acutely exposing the methodological shortcomings of the
study, Kinsey describes the criteria which “any hormonal or other
explanation of the homosexual” must fulfill, in terms of his own
survey findings. In addition, I would add that any such explanation
must address the facts of history, anthropology and animal studies
— which neither the 1941 study nor LeVay's have done. (For
Kinsey's paper see link below.)
To make my own
position clear, I believe that both homoerotic and heteroerotic desires
are products of both nature and nurture, but much more strongly the
former. In historical-anthropological perspective, human males who are
attracted to other males constitute the great majority, not a tiny
minority, as LeVay imagines. As I detail in my book, A Freethinker's Primer of Male Love (1998), the condemnation of male love is the product of superstition — specifically, the taboo in the Holiness Code of Leviticus,
which punishes sex between males with death. In the absence of
condemnation, male love flourishes, as it did in Ancient Greece.
Although this
book has a long Bibliography, I doubt that LeVay has read and
understood all of the books — especially not Wainwright
Churchill's Homosexual Behavior Among Males: A cross-cultural and cross-species investigation,
which effectively falsifies LeVay's leading hypothesis. Notably absent
from LeVay's Bibliography are important books by Alfred Kinsey, Louis
Crompton, Benedict Friedlaender, Magnus Hirschfeld, Wayne R. Dynes,
Hans Licht, C.V. Tripp, C.S. Ford and F.A. Beach, Ferdinand
Karsch-Haack, and John Addington Symonds.
Some
“socio-biologists”, notably Michael Ruse and James D.
Weinrich, have attempted to explain “homosexuality” in
evolutionary terms — which at least is positive, since they
assume that same-sex behavior increases survival for the individual and
his family. It is tempting to engage in speculation along these lines,
and I'll briefly do so myself. I speculate that men who can
successfully bond with each other have greatly enhanced chances for
survival. Two men who have bonded together constitute a far more
powerful fighting unit than an isolated man. In addition, a
good-looking man, who can bond successfully with other men, has a
greatly enhanced possibility of obtaining a desirable female for a
mate. Let me explain: A powerful older man might mate his daughter to
one of his younger favorites, or a brother might mate his sister to his
own lover. In this paradigm, it is not that a male attracts a female,
but rather that a male attracts another powerful male who, as father or
brother, controls access to a female.
To sum up: male
love in all its forms (sex, love, friendship) is a hereditary component
of male sexuality, which does not need to be explained. What does need
to be explained is its condemnation, which is primarily the product of
superstition, the taboo contained in the Holiness Code of Leviticus.
Although some
males, both gay and straight, are more feminine or masculine than
others, this does not explain their attraction to other males. In fact,
the only significant difference, either psychological or physical,
which Kinsey and his associates found between gay and straight men, is
that gay men have a more powerful sexual substrate (or sex drive), as
indicated by such factors as earliness of puberty and frequency of
having sex. According to C.V. Tripp, in a talk he gave in the 1980s to
the New York Scholarship Committee, a powerful sexual substrate (a high
sex drive) is desirable, since this correlates positively with good
health, longevity and intelligence. Male love per se, including its sexual
manifestations, is a desirable and fully virile activity.
Notes
1. For information on the
relationship between early sexology and the homosexual rights movement:
John Lauritsen and David Thorstad, The Early Homosexual Rights Movement (1884-1935), Times Change Press 1974, Revised Second Edition 1995. A few copies are still available for sale. Contact me.
2. There is an extended discussion of these issues in my book, A Freethinker's Primer of Male Love (Provincetown 1998). A description of the book is here.
• Alfred Kinsey's 1941
article, “Criteria for a hormonal explanation of the
homosexual”, is a precursor to his landmark study, Sexual Behavior in the Human Male
(1948). In it Kinsey critiques a hormonal-explanation study on both
methodological and theoretical grounds, and describes the criteria
which “any hormonal or other explanation of the homosexual”
must fulfill, in terms of his own survey findings. To read the Kinsey
paper in pdf form click here.
• C.A. Tripp's 1982 review of Sexual Preference: Its Development in Man and Women,
by Alan P. Bell, Martin S. Weinberg & Sue Kiefer. Tripp considers
the book “a shock and a disappointment” for its
wrong-headed attempts to explain homosexuality through genetic and
hormonal factors. Tripp writes: “It is of far-reaching
significance that inversion rides on the crest and not on the trough of
the androgen curve.” To read Tripp's review in pdf form click here.